When Mike Ozekhome, Senior Advocate of Nigeria appeared on Channels Television's Hard Copy programme on , he warned that one‑party state tendencies were silently reshaping the nation’s democratic fabric. The alert came as defections to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) surged, and many Nigerians seemed to accept the erosion of real opposition as inevitable.
Why the warning matters now
The senior lawyer pointed to a cascade of party‑switches that, in his view, erode ideological distinctions. "It's like beans, akara, and moi‑moi; they're the same," Ozekhome said, illustrating how the APC’s expanding roster makes every party look indistinguishable. He warned that if this trend continues, the 2027 presidential contest could effectively become a solo showdown: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu might run "against himself" with no credible challenger.
Ozekhome’s alarm is not just rhetoric. Data from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) show that between 2020 and 2024, over 120 federal legislators changed party affiliation, a 45% increase from the previous decade. This churn fuels a perception that power resides in a single political machine rather than a competitive landscape.
Historical parallels: The PDP’s false confidence
Drawing a line back to the People's Democratic Party (PDP), Ozekhome reminded viewers that the party’s 16‑year reign from 1999‑2015 ended despite boasting a "60‑year dominance" narrative. The PDP’s downfall, he noted, demonstrates how overconfidence can mask grassroots dissatisfaction, leading to sudden electoral reversals.
In the 2015 election, the PDP lost the presidency while still controlling a majority of state assemblies—a classic case of a party out of touch with its electorate. "History repeats itself when the same mistakes are ignored," Ozekhome warned.
Consolidation of power under President Tinubu
According to political analysts cited by Premium Times, President Tinubu has appointed loyalists to key ministries, the Supreme Court, and the National Assembly leadership. This pattern, Ozekhome argues, narrows the space for institutional checks.
"When the judiciary, legislature, and executive all nod the same way, you’re looking at a recipe for unchecked authority," he said. The senior advocate warned that such alignment could lead to the kind of “absolute corruption” he described as "national 'yes, yes, yes'" culture.
Public apathy: A dangerous “Stockholm Syndrome”
Perhaps the most unsettling part of Ozekhome’s address was his description of ordinary Nigerians as slipping into a form of "Stockholm Syndrome," where victims begin to sympathize with their captors. He argues that the complacency many citizens exhibit—accepting poor governance as the norm—undermines any hope of democratic renewal.
Surveys by the Afrobarometer in early 2025 indicated that 62% of respondents felt "politics is the same no matter who is in power," a stark increase from 48% in 2019. This growing resignation, Ozekhome believes, is the soft underbelly of an emerging authoritarian tilt.
Calls to action: Reclaiming democratic agency
Despite the gloom, Ozekhome ended on a rallying note: "The power is yours; it is not theirs." He urged citizens to mobilize, support independent media, and demand transparent party primaries. "If we stay silent, the one‑party illusion becomes reality," he warned.
Grassroots movements such as the Youth for Democratic Renewal (YDR) have already begun organizing town‑hall meetings across the country’s six geopolitical zones, aiming to educate voters about the dangers of blind party loyalty.
What’s next for Nigeria’s democracy?
The coming months will test whether opposition forces can coalesce before the 2027 election cycle. Analysts suggest that a united front among the PDP, Labour Party, and smaller regional parties could reinvigorate competition. However, the window is narrowing as more lawmakers sign up with the APC.
International observers, including the European Union Election Observation Mission, will be watching closely. Their final report, due later this year, is expected to comment on the health of Nigeria’s multi‑party system and the degree of institutional independence.
Frequently Asked Questions
How could political defections lead to a one‑party state?
When elected officials hop from one party to another, the distinctions between parties blur. Voters lose clear alternatives, and the dominant party – in this case the APC – consolidates power, making competition ineffective. This pattern reduces checks on government, edging the system toward a de‑facto one‑party rule.
What impact does President Tinubu’s consolidation have on institutions?
Tinubu’s appointment of loyalists to the National Assembly leadership, key ministries, and the judiciary narrows institutional independence. When the same political group controls law‑making, enforcement, and interpretation, the likelihood of unchecked executive decisions rises sharply.
Why does Ozekhome compare public apathy to Stockholm Syndrome?
Stockholm Syndrome describes victims identifying with their captors. Ozekhome argues many Nigerians have grown accustomed to poor governance to the point they rationalise it, believing the system serves them. This psychological acceptance weakens collective resistance to authoritarian drift.
What can opposition parties do before the 2027 election?
They need to form a genuine coalition, agree on a shared platform, and run joint primaries to avoid fragmenting the vote. Mobilising youth groups, leveraging independent media, and presenting clear policy alternatives are essential steps to counter the APC’s dominance.
How does the PDP’s past collapse inform current concerns?
The PDP’s 16‑year rule ended abruptly despite claims of long‑term dominance, showing that overconfidence can blind a party to voter dissatisfaction. Ozekhome uses this precedent to warn that the APC’s current complacency may likewise lead to an unexpected electoral upset if citizens demand change.
Sihle Tana
I am a journalist with a passion for covering daily news in Africa. My work has taken me across the continent, reporting on significant events and stories that impact communities. I strive to bring insightful and comprehensive news coverage to my readers.
Evolving democracies whisper warnings to those who listen.
Ozekhome’s warning is not merely a rhetorical flourish it is a diagnosis of a political system in flux. The pattern of defections erodes the distinctive identities of parties. When lawmakers hop from one banner to another voters lose clear choices. The APC’s expanding roster creates an illusion of uniformity across the spectrum. This homogenization threatens the competitive spirit that underpins democracy. Historical precedent shows that dominant parties can become complacent and blind to grassroots discontent. The PDP’s fall after a long reign illustrates how overconfidence can mask vulnerability. Tinubu’s appointments of loyalists to key institutions consolidate power further. When the legislature, executive, and judiciary echo the same voice checks become symbolic. The public’s growing apathy resembles a psychological capitulation to the status quo. Surveys indicate a rising belief that politics is the same regardless of leadership. Such resignation weakens civic engagement and fuels authoritarian drift. Yet civil society groups like YDR are mobilizing to counter this tide. Grassroots town‑hall meetings aim to re‑educate voters about the dangers of blind loyalty. The coming election cycle will test whether opposition forces can coalesce to revive true multi‑party competition.
From a procedural standpoint the surge in party‑switching undermines legislative accountability. Voters who elected representatives under one platform find themselves represented by a different agenda after a defection. This mismatch dilutes the mandate and hampers policy continuity. Institutional safeguards such as anti‑defection clauses could mitigate the volatility. Strengthening these mechanisms would preserve ideological clarity and encourage genuine competition.